To continue yesterday's segment about how Hitler came to power, as depicted in "Germany's Hitler" by Heinz A. Heinz, published by Hurst & Blankett, London, 1934. Again, note the similarities of the times to what we are experiencing today:
No year since the War witnessed a more significant series of political happenings than 1932. No fewer than twelve elections were held. Thanks to the unity of the Party, and to the indomitable energy of its Leader, National Socialism won its way ever more and more to the front. In the spring Brüning endeavored to postpone the second Presidential election, and sought to come to an understanding about it with Hitler. The latter, however, was anxious for the election to go forward, although there was little hope, at the moment, of his own, personal victory. Through action taken by the National Socialist Government of Brunswick, Hitler had recently been naturalized in Germany, and was therefore now eligible to stand as candidate himself for the Presidency of the Reich.
This step brought a tragic chapter in the history of Germany party bureaucracy to a seemly end. It was unheard of that a man born on the very frontier of the country, who had served at the Front in the German Army all through the War, and who had devoted his whole life ever since to the cause of the German people, should be denied German citizenship any longer, and this in the face of the fact that all sorts of East European riff-raff streaming in over the Eastern borders should obtain the same privilege, and even entry into all official classes, without further ado!
Prior to this Presidential election, Hitler's activities were such as political life in Germany or elsewhere has never before witnessed. To address three or four meetings a day was nothing to him. Most of these were held in the open air, when he might have an audience of anything from one hundred thousand to three hundred thousand men. Everything had to be arranged and brought off strictly to time if his terrific programme, daily, was to be carried out.
While he was speaking in Dresden, for instance, his audience would be already gathering in Leipzig. He flew from place to place throughout the length and breadth of the land, week after week, day after day, and night after night, without rest or intermission, using aeroplane or auto as best might meet the case. He had to sleep where or how he could. He had his own plane and pilot, his car and chauffeur, his secretaries and organisers, but all turned in the last resort upon his own indomitable energy and tireless purpose.
At the pre-election in March, 1932, General Hindenburg carried off 18,600,000 votes, and Hitler 11,300,000. This apparent defeat for the Führer was in reality a great success. He had doubled the number of his electors since the elections of September, 1930.
But now, however, there was to be a second election and all opposing Parties girded themselves up for the final trial of strength. They were fully alive to the dangers that threatened them from the ever waxing Party - dangers which have indeed showered on their heads and extinguished them since January, 1933. Although it was Hitler's design that Catholics and Protestants alike could march in the ranks of his Storm Troops, there was a time when the former were denied the Sacraments and even Christian burial for so doing.
Everything possible was done to crush National Socialism - not because it threatened the people - the people acclaimed it - but because it threatened class interest, privilege, corruption, and everything greedy, small minded and grasping in German public life, everything inclusively stigmatized as "bourgeois." The National Socialists found themselves alone in opposition to the embattled array of all other political bodies. It would require more space to enumerate the fears each and several of these entertained in the event of National Socialist success. It would require, too, an intimate acquaintance with the chaotic state of German internal affairs to appraise the task before the one Party in the Reich possessed of a single eye, a definite programme, and an unflinching perseverance.
In spite of the fact that even as late as this the north, east and west of Germany were under the sway of the Reds, and that in the Catholic south the Bishops were all powerful, National Socialism forged doggedly ahead. This can only be ascribed to the perfection of its organization.
The Government monopolized the wireless. All those in power and highly placed felt they had now to fight for their very existence. In spite of everything that militated against him, Hitler polled yet another two million votes at this election. It was not enough to return him for the Presidency, but it greatly enhanced his significance in political life.
Chancellor Brüning had scarcely counted on this advancement of Hitler, and was dismayed by it. He resorted to strange measures. On April 13th, 1932, he ordered the demobilization of the S.A. (Sturmabteilung) and the dispersal of the Movement known as the Hitler Youth. The homes and properties of these organizations were distrained upon.
But all was in vain. At the elections for the Diet (every German State possessed a Landtag) which took place on April 24, 1932, the N.S.D.A.P. proved everywhere the strongest party. At Oldenburg it returned an absolute majority. The time was ripe for Brüning to retire: Hindenburg let him go, and on June 1st appointed Herr von Papen to the Chancellorship.
These elections - some of the bloodiest in the whole political history of Germany - ended again in a victory for Adolf Hitler. His party carried off two hundred and thirty seats in the Reichstag.
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Since National Socialism had now become the largest Party in the State, it was only right and proper that the government of the country should devolve into their hands. President von Hindenburg, however, long hesitated to entrust their Leader, Adolf Hitler, with absolute power. For two years the direction of affairs had been, under Brüning, confided to a minority which had done its utmost to suppress the larger Party. But now the time was ripe and over-ripe for a change.
On August 13th, 1932, Hitler found himself involved in weighty conversations between von Hindenburg and von Papen. He was offered the Vice-Chancellorship. But to this he returned an answer in the negative. Compromise or half-measures never commended themselves to Hitler. The day of his refusal had been called Hitler's Black Day, but it was far from being so in reality. He took longer views than his critics. He had no mind to use National Socialism to bolster up a tottering system.
After the world had been relieved of the spectacle of the German Parliament opened by the Moscow agent, Klara Zetkin, Captain Hermann Goering was elected its President.
Once more, however, despite its big working majority, Parliament was dissolved, and again in November fresh elections were held. But by this time the public were thoroughly weary of elections, and the results were disappointing to all Parties.
National Socialism itself lost thirty-four seats. There was, however, an overwhelming majority against the Chancellor, and no course seemed open to von Papen but to retire. He was followed in office by a comparatively unknown man, General von Schleicher. However active this man may have been in other capacities and behind the scenes, he was negligible as Chancellor, and soon found himself completely isolated. (...)
(On) January 29, 1933, von Schleicher's Cabinet was dissolved and Adolf Hitler achieved that for which he had striven with almost unremitting ardour, and all but unshakeable faith from the day when he became the seventh member of an unheard-of little group of political aspirants in one of the poorest restaurants of Munich.
Adolf Hitler became Chancellor of Germany.
Tomorrow: Hitler sets his hand to the plough
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Thought for the Day:
"Genuine poetry can communicate before it is understood."
(Thomas Stearns Eliot)