ZGram - 11/25/2004 - "Sobran: How Tyranny Came to America" -
Part IV
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Mon Nov 22 06:53:17 EST 2004
Zgram - Where Truth is Destiny: Now more than ever!
November 25, 2004
Good Morning from the Zundelsite:
[START]
How Tyranny Came to America - Part IV
Roosevelt's Court soon decided that the Tenth Amendment was a
"truism," of no real force. This meant that almost any federal act
was ipso facto constitutional, and the powers "reserved" to the
states and the people were just leftovers the federal government
didn't want, like the meal left for the jackals by the satisfied
lion. There was almost no limit, now, on what the federal government
could do. In effect, the powers of the federal government no longer
had to come from the people by constitutional delegation: they could
be created by simple political power.
Roosevelt also set the baneful precedent of using entitlement
programs, such as Social Security, to buy some people's votes with
other people's money. It was both a fatal corruption of democracy and
the realization of the Servile State in America. The class of voting
parasites has been swelling ever since.
So the New Deal didn't just expand the power of the federal
government; that had been done before. The New Deal did much deeper
mischief: it struck at the whole principle of constitutional
resistance to federal expansion. Congress didn't need any
constitutional amendment to increase its powers; it could increase
its own powers ad hoc, at any time, by simple majority vote.
All this, of course, would have seemed monstrous to our ancestors.
Even Alexander Hamilton, who favored a relatively strong central
government in his time, never dreamed of a government so powerful.
The Court suffered a bloody defeat at Roosevelt's hands, and since
his time it has never found a major act of Congress unconstitutional.
This has allowed the power of the federal government to grow without
restraint. At the federal level, "checks and balances" has ceased to
include judicial review.
This is a startling fact, flying as it does in the face of the
familiar conservative complaints about the Court's "activism." When
it comes to Congress, the Court has been absolutely passive. As if to
compensate for its habit of capitulation to Congress, the Court's
post-World War II "activism" has been directed entirely against the
states, whose laws it has struck down in areas that used to be
considered their settled and exclusive provinces. Time after time, it
has found "unconstitutional" laws whose legitimacy had stood
unquestioned throughout the history of the Republic.
Notice how total the reversal of the Court's role has been. It began
with the duty, according to Hamilton, of striking down new seizures
of power by Congress. Now it finds constitutional virtually
everything Congress chooses to do. The federal government has assumed
myriads of new powers nowhere mentioned or implied in the
Constitution, yet the Court has never seriously impeded this
expansion, or rather explosion, of novel claims of power. What it
finds unconstitutional are the traditional powers of the states.
The postwar Court has done pioneering work in one notable area: the
separation of church and state. I said "pioneering," not
praiseworthy. The Court has consistently imposed an understanding of
the First Amendment that is not only exaggerated but unprecedented --
most notoriously in its 1962 ruling that prayer in public schools
amounts to an "establishment of religion." This interpretation of the
Establishment Clause has always been to the disadvantage of
Christianity and of any law with roots in Christian morality. And
it's impossible to doubt that the justices who voted for this
interpretation were voting their predilections.
Maybe that's the point. I've never heard it put quite this way, but
the Court's boldest rulings showed something less innocent than a
series of honest mistakes. Studying these cases and others of the
Court's liberal heyday, one never gets the sense that the majority
was suppressing its own preferences; it was clearly enacting them.
Those rulings can be described as wishful thinking run amok, and
touched with more than a little arrogance. All in all, the Court
displayed the opposite of the restrained and impartial temperament
one expects even of a traffic-court judge, let alone a Supreme Court.
It's ironic to recall Hamilton's assurance that the Supreme Court
would be "the least dangerous" of the three branches of the federal
government. But Hamilton did give us a shrewd warning about what
would happen if the Court were ever corrupted: in Federalist No. 78
he wrote that "liberty can have nothing to fear from the judiciary
alone, but would have everything to fear from its union with either
of the other [branches]." Since Franklin Roosevelt, as I've said, the
judiciary has in effect formed a union with the other two branches to
aggrandize the power of the federal government at the expense of the
states and the people.
This, in outline, is the constitutional history of the United States.
You won't find it in the textbooks, which are required to be
optimistic, to present degeneration as development, and to treat the
successive pronouncements of the Supreme Court as so many oracular
revelations of constitutional meaning. A leading liberal scholar,
Leonard Levy, has gone so far as to say that what matters is not what
the Constitution says, but what the Court has said about the
Constitution in more than 400 volumes of commentary.
This can only mean that the commentary has displaced the original
text, and that "We the People" have been supplanted by "We the
Lawyers." We the People can't read and understand our own
Constitution. We have to have it explained to us by the
professionals. Moreover, if the Court enjoys oracular status, it
can't really be criticized, because it can do no wrong. We may
dislike its results, but future rulings will have to be derived from
them as precedents, rather than from the text and logic of the
Constitution. And notice that the "conservative" justices appointed
by Republican presidents have by and large upheld not the original
Constitution, but the most liberal interpretations of the Court
itself -- notably on the subject of abortion, which I'll return to in
a minute.
[END]
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http://www.zundelsite.org/zundel_persecuted/video/index.html
* Sample sketch of more than 100 drawings made by Ernst Zundel in
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http://www.zundelsite.org/gallery/donations/index.html
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