ZGram - 9/24/2003 - "An Open Letter to the Congressional
Judiciary Committee, headed by Congressman James Sensenbrenner, to
investigate the kidnapping of Ernst Zundel"
zgrams at zgrams.zundelsite.org
zgrams at zgrams.zundelsite.org
Thu Sep 25 03:37:51 EDT 2003
ZGram - Where Truth is Destiny: Now more than ever!
September 24, 2003
Good Morning from the Zundelsite:
I don't yet have specifics about how Day Two of the so-called Zundel
Bail Hearings played out. Is anyone holding his breath?
I will let you know just as soon as I can.
We are making progress, however, in untangling that coil of snakes
responsible for the arrest of Ernst Zundel. Below is the tip of the
iceberg, especially as it pertains to wrongdoing by an appellate
court of the United States of America, the Sixth Circuit Court. Just
a few days ago, through another trickle of documents obtained through
the Freedom of Information Act, we managed to harvest a few
additional names - and clues as to how it was done. It looks as
though not only one, but two court employees were involved. But more
about that later.
These days in America, whenever one places a political ad, it amounts
to a veritable dance on eggs - you can't say this, you can't say
that, you have to be sensitive to "minority" feelings. Against that
background, I managed to place Ad # 3 in the Washington Times. I
could not have done the same in the Washington Post, let's say - or
better yet, in one of Canada's national papers. However, I think
that I managed to say plenty.
This ad is to appear tomorrow - September 25 - full-page, large
format paper! No way can this be missed by the powers that be - and
the would-be powers that be:
[START]
An Open Letter to the Congressional Judiciary Committee, headed by
Congressman James Sensenbrenner, to investigate the kidnapping of
Ernst Zundel
This is the third in a series of ads planned to inform America's
leaders and the public at large about the arrest and detention of my
husband, Ernst Zündel.
My first ad, titled "An Open Letter to Vladimir Putin" (6-12-03)
was meant to illustrate that Stalinist tactics have come to
America. My second ad, titled "An Open Letter to the Senate and
Congress of the United States", (9-7-03) was a graphic description of
how a brutal, politically motivated kidnapping was carried out. This
ad takes my campaign for basic human rights yet one step further - to
free my husband, and to warn America.
I have been cautioned not to mention America's most powerful taboo.
Instead, I quote from a Letter to the Editor of the Washington Times,
written by one Nelson Marans, that was published in response to my
first two ads - it mentions the taboo for me:
While paid advertisements may be the financial lifeblood for many
newspapers, I would have hoped that The Washington Times would have
displayed more selectivity when confronted by an advertisement from a
Holocaust denier [page A7, Sunday]. Convicted of that crime in
Germany and guilty of spreading his message of hate throughout the
world, Ernst Zundel is not misunderstood and a victim, but instead an
advocate of religious and racial hatred. He supports the
extermination of not only
Jews, but blacks and any other members of so-called inferior races.
(Nelson Marans, Silver Spring)
When a charge that serious is being made about an ad I placed, I am
entitled to a full reply. Moreover, I will pay for it so I can state
it fully. What I have to say, below, is part of the public record
and can be verified by anyone.
My husband has NEVER supported "... the extermination of not only
Jews, but blacks and any other members of so-called inferior races."
That is an allegation that is actionable! With this ad, in a still
semi-free America where an accused has the right, we all assume, to
set the record straight, I take this opportunity to do precisely
that.
It is true that Ernst Zundel, a German nationalist, has been a
political activist all of his adult life, speaking up for his
people's maligned World War II generation. However, he was only six
years old at the end of World War II. He came to Canada while still
a teenager and lived there for more than four decades. He chose
Canada because it did not require conscription since, raised as a
Christian, he abhorred war and any kind of violence, and he has never
changed his mind. As he has put it, then and since, "I won't take up
a gun at governments' behest to kill another human being who has done
me no harm."
With an innate artistic talent and excellent training in graphic
arts acquired in the ruins of bombed-out, postwar Germany, Ernst very
quickly became wealthy - and seriously concerned about an
increasingly hysterial crescendo of post-World War II propaganda
against the country of his birth.
At first, his activism was a part-time hobby. In 1967, he decided to
get into mainstream political action, largely in token protest
against ethnic vilification of the country that he loved. He was an
immigrant, the youngest candidate ever in the history of Canada to
run for political office as head of the Liberal Party. In an address
to a live audience of 25,000, he pleaded for an end to anti-German
hate propaganda and for Germany's reunification.
Shortly thereafter, to his amazement, his then pending application
for Canadian citizenship was turned down, even though his record of
conduct was spotless, and citizenship was routinely granted to
successful immigrants.
A promising mainstream political career thus cut short, he turned to
non-violent street activism, mostly picketing of movie houses and
print media. By then, he had a following of mostly European
immigrants from many different countries. His name became a
household word, not only in Canada but increasingly abroad. Never
once did he or his supporters resort to any form of violence, either
in speech or in action. The record speaks for itself.
In the early 1980s, the Canadian government arbitarily and
dictatorially denied Ernst his postal privileges. It ruined his
lucrative graphic arts studio but broadened his political appeal and
brought him scores of free speech supporters from all over the world.
After a prolonged and very costly legal struggle, he won his postal
privileges back. A Government-sponsored Postal Tribunal ruled
tersely that the Canadian government should keep its nose out of "...
a conflict between two peoples, the Germans and the Jews."
Next, his German passport was revoked and stayed revoked for many
years. Documents obtained by his attorneys through the Freedom of
Information Act revealed to his astonishment how much his ever more
vociferous opponents feared his Truth-in-History campaign, and how
seriously he was being taken by the powers in and behind several
governments. He says today: "Scales fell from my eyes!"
In November of 1983, a well-known, wealthy Holocaust survivor
brought criminal charges against Ernst for "spreading false news"
under the Canadian Code's ancient Section 177, a law that dated from
12th Century England. More than 800 years ago, this law had
protected England's aristocracy from wandering minstrels chanting
ditties against the powers-that-be. Only twice had it been used in
Canada.
Videos exist of the subsequent seven-week trial that show how Ernst,
his legal team and friends were being threatened, pushed, beaten and
spat on as they fought their way into the court house, while a
frenzied mob, waving sticks and brandishing canes, hissed and
screamed obscenities at the top of their lungs. One reporter from
the Toronto Sun wrote that Ernst was "...winning the battle of images
by mere contrast of behaviour."
Next, a bomb exploded in Ernst's garage. Jewish circles contacted
the media and claimed responsibility. Police chose not to follow up.
Ernst Zundel lost that first trial, but upon appeal the judge was
found to be biased. A new trial was ordered. This trial commenced
in 1988. It lasted almost four months. Ernst paid for his defense,
as he had done before, and has done ever since. The tax payers of
Canada paid for the prosecution - by the millions!
Right at the start of this new trial, the judge took judicial notice
- which means, in layman's terms, that the historical event known as
the Holocaust, as claimed, was a historical "given" - and could not
be put to the test. This made a conviction a foregone conclusion.
"Before this judge, in this court, the battle is hopeless," Doug
Christie, defense attorney, told Ernst. "I can't win it for you."
"This one," replied Ernst, "is not for myself. This one will be my
gift to history."
This trial made history. It gathered court witnesses and experts
from all over the world - for no other reason than to document their
testimony in court transcripts. One crucial outcome was the Leuchter
Report, a global bestseller, obtained after a forensic investigative
team flew to Auschwitz in then still Communist Poland. The Leuchter
Report was a milestone.
Since judicicial notice precluded victory, Ernst lost this trial as
well, but after many appeals and a great deal of legal struggle and
yet more millions spent on both sides, the Supreme Court of Canada
exonerated him. After 9 years of costly litigation, the highest
court in Canada said this:
"Section 2(b) of the Charter protects the rights of a minority to
express its view, however unpopular it may be. ...The content of the
communication is irrelevant. The purpose of the guarantee is to
permit free expression to the end of promoting truth, political or
social participation, and self-fulfillment. That purpose extends to
the protection of minority beliefs which the majority regards as
wrong or false."
The highest court of Canada had spoken. In a sane world this would
have been the end. Ernst certainly believed it. Now he could turn
to his first love and do what he had always longed to do - open an
art gallery somewhere up in the mountains.
Within four days, he was re-charged - this time under Canada's
infamous Hate Laws. The government, however, refused to carry
through. There were several more attempts, always with a new twist,
to charge him with a hate crime. The charges never stuck, for he is
not a hateful man - and he has the record to prove it.
Thus having been cleared of all charges, Ernst decided to re-apply
for Canadian citizenship. The Globe and Mail reported that his
application was "flawless". Again he was turned down. Again, no
explanation.
In the fall of 1994, the Zundel-Haus, as it was known, became the
target of 24-hour telephone terror, violent demonstrations, and
postering of flyers across Toronto by the thousands with explicit
instructions on how to make Molotov cocktails. These flyers cited
the Zündel-Haus address and showed Ernst's face in the crosshairs of
a rifle. Police looked the other way and never charged anyone for
incitement to murder. Privately, Ernst was told by a policeman that
the word had gone out that $800 would get him "bumped off".
In the early morning of the 50th anniversary of Germany's defeat and
surrender, the Zundel-Haus went up in flames. Had Ernst been home,
he would have been killed. Invaluable documents, letters and books
were destroyed. Even though the arsonist was caught on video and his
name and whereabouts were known and turned over to the police, there
was no follow-up.
This act of violence was followed 10 days later first by an
AIDS-laced razor blade and then by a parcel bomb which, had it
exploded, would have killed everyone in a radius of 300 feet.
Ernst rebuilt the Zundel-Haus - bigger, better and stronger - with
the help of his freedom-of-speech friends from all over the world.
Since criminal charges didn't stick, Ernst's opponents turned to
Human Rights legislation, focusing on cyberspace. It would go too
far, and be too tedious, to describe the subsequent 5-year cyberspace
censorship battle in various Canadian courtrooms, the outcome of
which was a Human Rights Tribunal Stalinist verdict: "Truth is no
defense"!
This ruling shocked Ernst to the core. If truth was no defense, he
knew there was no way he could win his case in the courts of Canada.
Moreover, he had made his mark. Historical revisionism had made
spectacular inroads. Revisionist papers, books, seminars, symposia
were sprinkled across hundreds of websites in cyberspace and
seriously studied in colleges and universities, even in the embassies
of countries that mattered. The information was out in the open - it
would be up to the people to draw their own conclusions. Ernst
decided his part of the struggle was done.
By that time, Ernst Zundel and I were married and had settled in the
hills of Tennessee, in looks reminiscent of his homeland in the Black
Forest. Here he would do what he had always longed to do - create in
his own gallery and use his talent to add beauty to the world.
Then came the arrest, out of nowhere! Why? Why now?
Ernst's censorship battles had lasted three decades. He was known
globally for his politically incorrect views, but with no criminal
record on the continent where he had lived all his adult life. He
was married to a U.S. citizen, seeking adjustment of status pursuant
to a properly filed application, whose presence in that capacity had
been authorized by the Attorney General. Suddenly, with no
provocation, he was brutally arrested and deported. Dictatorships
act that way. Democracies have procedural safeguards - including
habeas corpus.
To make one's case before a judge is a basic American right,
enshrined in our Constitution. Additionally, Federal Rule of
Appellate Procedure 23 states that anybody in the custody of US law
enforcement must not be removed to another location, much less booted
out of the country, until a judge has heard the case. A court is
expected to rule on the facts as presented truthfully and fairly by
both sides.
We asked that we be judged on all the facts and on the merits of our
arguments. We asked to have a district judge in Knoxville hear the
case. Within minutes, this court turned us down in a one-sentence
ruling, without any hearing.
The very next day, we appealed to the Sixth Circuit Court. Four days
later, our appeal was denied by a three-member panel of judges. The
order was signed by a Clerk.
And here comes the ghastly part that ought to make America's
judiciary shudder:
Through the Freedom of Information Act, we learned that this Clerk,
along with at least one other employee, resorted to ex parte
soliciting of information. In laymen's terms, employees of an
appellate court went outside the record to speed the deportation of a
dissident - one might say that they aided and abetted a political
kidnapping!
At this point, we don't even know if the three judges cited in the
ruling of the deportation order knew about our motion for stay of
deportation. They may or may not have known. However, we are surely
entitled to find out. Who was behind this kidnapping - which was,
for all intents and purposes, an extradition in the guise of
deportation?
Conscientious men will recognize the danger of a precedent. The
Sixth District Court ruling has given the jack boot to habeas corpus,
a due process safeguard preventing abuse. Baseless arrests of
inconvenient dissidents will be the outcome in the future unless this
abuse is stopped in its tracks.
Ernst Zundel has a flawless record of a kind and decent man who
refuses to live on his knees. He never preached or practiced
violence - he is the victim of repeated, politically motivated
violence. As his wife, I hereby formally petition the Congressional
Judiciary Committee, headed by Congressman James Sensenbrenner, to
investigate the misconduct of the 6th District Court. It is
imperative that this abuse of basic human rights be properly
investigated and the misconduct be traced and punished at its source.
Ingrid Rimland Zundel, Ed.D.
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