ZGram - 1/29/2002 - "The Paul Revere Series: Ron Paul in 'The
Case for Defending America'"
irimland@zundelsite.org
irimland@zundelsite.org
Tue, 29 Jan 2002 12:15:45 -0800
Copyright (c) 2002 - Ingrid A. Rimland
ZGram - Where Truth is Destiny
January 29, 2002
Good Morning from the Zundelsite:
Another voice in our Paul Revere Series is Congressman Ron Paul"
[START]
January 24, 2002, in the House of Representatives
The Case for Defending America
As we begin this new legislative session, we cannot avoid reflecting on
this past year. All Americans will remember the moment and place when
tragedy hit us on September 11th. We also all know that a good philosophy
to follow is to turn adversity into something positive, if at all
possible. Although we have suffered for years from a flawed foreign
policy and were already in a recession before the attacks, the severity
of these events has forced many of us to reassess our foreign and
domestic policies. Hopefully, positive changes will come of this.
It is just as well that the economy was already in recession for six
months prior to the September attacks. Otherwise, the temptation would
have been too great to blame the attacks for the weak economy rather than
look for the government policies responsible for the recession. Terrorist
attacks alone, no matter how disruptive, could never be the sole source
of a significant economic downturn.
A major debate over foreign policy has naturally resulted from this
crisis. Dealing with the shortcomings of our policies of the past is
essential. We were spending $40 billion a year on intelligence gathering
that, we must admit, failed. This tells us a problem exists. There are
shortcomings with our $320 billion DOD budget that did not provide the
protection Americans expect.
Obviously, a proper response to the terrorists requires sound judgment in
order to prevent further suffering of the innocent or foolishly bring
about a worldwide conflict.
One of the key responsibilities of the federal government in providing
for national defense is protection of liberty here at home. Unwisely
responding to the attacks could undermine our national defense while
threatening our liberties. What we have done so far since last September
is not very reassuring. What we do here in the Congress in the coming
months may well determine the survival of our republic. Fear and
insecurity must not drive our policies. Sacrificing personal liberty
should never be an option.
Involving ourselves in every complex conflict around the globe hardly
enhances our national security. The special interests that were already
lined up at the public trough should not be permitted to use the ongoing
crisis as an opportunity to demand even more benefits. Let us all remember
why the U.S. Congress was established, what our responsibilities are and
what our oath of office means.
It's been reported that since the 9-11 attacks, big-government answers
have gained in popularity, and people, fearful for their security, have
looked to the federal government for help. Polls indicate that acceptance
of government solutions to our problems is at its highest level in
decades. That may be true to some degree, or it may merely reflect the
sentiments of the moment, or even the way the questions were asked. Only
time will tell. Since the welfare state is no more viable in the long run
than a communist or fascist state, most Americans will eventually realize
the fallacy of depending on the government for economic security and know
that personal liberty should not be sacrificed out of fear.
Even with this massive rush to embrace all the bailouts offered up by
Washington, a growing number of Americans are rightfully offended by the
enormity of it all and annoyed that powerful and wealthy special interests
seem to be getting the bulk of the benefits. In one area, though, a very
healthy reaction has occurred. Almost all Americans- especially those
still flying commercial airlines- now know that they have a personal
responsibility to react to any threat on any flight. Passengers have
responded magnificently. Most people recognize that armed citizens best
protect our homes, because it is impossible for the police to be
everywhere and prevent crimes from happening. A homeowner's ability to
defend himself serves as a strong deterrent.
Our government's ridiculous policy regarding airline safety and
prohibiting guns on airplanes had indoctrinated us all- pilots,
passengers and airline owners- to believe we should never resist
hijackers. This set up the perfect conditions for terrorists to take over
domestic flights, just as they did on September 11th.
The people of this country now realize, more than ever, their own
responsibility for personal self-defense, using guns if necessary. The
anti-gun fanatics have been very quiet since 9-11, and more Americans are
ready to assume responsibility for their own safety than ever before. This
is all good.
But sadly, the Congress went in the opposite direction in providing
safety on commercial flights. Pilots are not carrying guns, and security
has been socialized- in spite of the fact that security procedures
authorized by the FAA prior to 9-11 were not compromised. The problem did
not come from failure to follow FAA rules; the problem resulted from
precisely following FAA rules. No wonder so many Americans are wisely
assuming they'd better be ready to protect themselves when necessary!
This attitude is healthy, practical and legal under the Constitution.
Unfortunately, too many people who have come to this conclusion still
cling to the notion that economic security is a responsibility of the
U.S. government. That's the reason we have a $2 trillion annual budget and
a growing $6 trillion national debt.
Another positive result of last year's attacks was the uniting of many
Americans in an effort to deal with the problems the country faced. This
applies more to the people who reflect true patriotism than it does to
some of the politicians and special interests who took advantage of the
situation. If this renewed energy and sense of unity could be channeled
correctly, much good could come of it. If misdirected, actual harm will
result.
I give less credit to the Washington politicians who sing the songs of
patriotism, but use the crisis to pursue their endless personal goal to
gain more political power. But the greatest condemnation should be
directed toward the special-interest lobbyists who finance the
politicians in order to secure their power, while using patriotism as a
cover and the crisis as a golden opportunity. Indeed, those who are using
the crisis to promote their own agenda are many.
There is no doubt, as many have pointed out, our country changed
dramatically with the horror that hit us on 9-11. The changes obviously
are a result of something other than the tragic loss of over 3,900
people. We kill that many people every month on our government highways.
We lost 60,000 young people in the Vietnam War, yet the sense of fear in
our country then was not the same as it is today. The major difference is
that last year's attacks made us feel vulnerable, because it was clear
that our federal government had failed in its responsibility to provide
defense against such an assault. And the anthrax scare certainly didn't
help to diminish that fear.
Giving up our civil liberties has made us feel even less safe from our
own government's intrusion in our lives. The two seem to be in conflict.
How can we be safer from outside threats while making ourselves more
exposed to our own government's threat to our liberty?
The most significant and dangerous result of last year's attacks has been
the bold expansion of the federal police state and our enhanced
international role as the world's policeman.
Although most of the legislation pushing the enhanced domestic and
international role for our government passed by huge majorities, I'm
convinced that the people's support for much of it is less enthusiastic
than Washington politicians believe. As time progresses, the full impact
of Homeland Security, and the unintended consequences of our growing
overseas commitments, will become apparent. And a large majority of
Americans will appropriately ask, "Why did the Congress do it?"
Unless we precisely understand the proper role of government in a free
society, our problems will not be solved without sacrificing liberty. The
wonderful thing is that our problems can be easily solved when protecting
individual liberty becomes our goal, rather than the erroneous assumption
that solutions must always be in conflict with liberty and that
sacrificing some liberty is to be expected during trying times. This is
not necessary.
Our Attorney General established a standard for disloyalty to the U.S.
government by claiming that those who talk of "lost liberty" serve to
"erode our national unity" and "give ammunition to America's enemies" and
"only aid terrorists."
The dangerous assumption is that, in the eyes of our top law-enforcement
official, perceived disloyalty or even criticism of the government is
approximating an act of terrorism. The grand irony is that this criticism
is being directed toward those who, heaven forbid, are expressing concern
for losing our cherished liberties here at home. This, of course, is what
the whole war on terrorism is supposed to be about- protecting liberty,
and that includes the right of free expression.
Our government leaders have threatened foreign countries by claiming that
if they "are not with us, they are against us," which leaves no room for
the neutrality that has been practiced by some nations for centuries. This
position could easily result in perpetual conflicts with dozens of nations
around the world.
Could it ever come to a point where those who dissent at home against
our military operations overseas will be considered too sympathetic to
the enemy? The Attorney General's comments suggest just that, and it has
happened here in our past. We indeed live in dangerous times. We are
unable to guarantee protection from outside threats and may be
approaching a time when our own government poses a threat to our
liberties.
No matter how sincere and well motivated, the effort to fight terrorism
and provide for homeland security, if ill advised, will result neither in
vanquishing terrorism nor in preserving our liberties. I am fearful that,
here in Washington, there's little understanding of the real cause of the
terrorist attacks on us, little remembrance of the grand purpose of the
American experiment with liberty, or even how our Constitution was written
to strictly limit government officials in all that they do. The military
operation against the Taliban has gone well. The Taliban has been removed
from power, and our government, with the help of the UN, is well along
the way toward establishing a new Afghan government. We weren't supposed
to be in the business of nation building, but I guess 9-11 changed all
that. The one problem is that the actual number of al-Qaida members
captured or killed is uncertain. Also the number of Taliban officials that
had any direct contact or knowledge of the attacks on us is purely
speculative. Since this war is carried out in secrecy, we'll probably not
know the details of what went on for years to come.
I wonder how many civilians have been killed so far. I know a lot of
Members could care less, remembering innocent American civilians who were
slaughtered in New York and Washington. But a policy that shows no concern
for the innocent will magnify our problems rather than lessen them. The
hard part to understand in all of this is that Saudi Arabia probably had
more to do with these attacks than did Afghanistan.
But then again, who wants to offend our oil partners?
Our sterile approach to the bombing, with minimal loss of American life
is to be commended, but it may generate outrage toward us by this
lopsided killing of persons totally unaware of the events of September
11th.
Our President wisely has not been anxious to send in large numbers of
occupying forces into Afghanistan. This also guarantees chaos among the
warring tribal factions. The odds of a stable Afghan government evolving
out of this mess are remote. The odds of our investing large sums of money
to buy support for years to come are great.
Unfortunately, it has been seen only as an opportunity for Pakistan and
India to resume their warring ways, placing us in a dangerous situation.
This could easily get out of control, since China will not allow a
clear-cut Indian victory over Pakistan. The danger of a nuclear
confrontation is real. Even the British have spoken sympathetically about
Pakistan's interests over India. The tragedy is that we have helped both
India and Pakistan financially, and, therefore, the American taxpayer has
indirectly contributed funds for the weapons on both sides. Our troops in
this region are potential targets of either or both countries.
Fortunately, due to the many probable repercussions, a swift attack on
Iraq now seems less likely. Our surrogate army, organized by the Iraqi
National Congress, is now known to be a charade, prompting our
administration to stop all funding of this organization. Relying on the
Kurds to help remove Hussein defies logic, as the U.S.-funded Turkish
army continues its war on the Kurds. There is just no coalition in the
Persian Gulf to take on Iraq, and, fortunately, our Secretary of State
knows it.
[END]
Tomorrow: Conclusion
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Thought for the Day:
"Yet still we hug the dear deceit."
(Nathaniel Cotton)