AFFIDAVIT
OF
WOLFGANG DROEGE
Court File No. T-567-96
7. I first met Grant Bristow within a week of returning to Canada
at a meeting at the Nationalist Party in the house of its leader Don Andrews.
This was in April of 1989. Bristow was an investigator with a large multinational
company called Kuhne and Nagel. He was a skilled and competent investigator.
I was told that Bristow had first come onto the scene in November of 1988
when he appeared at a meeting of the Nationalist Party in Don Andrews'
house. No one knew him but he volunteered to do investigative work for
Andrews and the party and train people.
8. Bristow took an immediate interest in me and
we subsequently became close friends. Shortly thereafter I obtained employment
with Al Overfield's company Accurate Bailiff Services repossessing automobiles
and doing skip tracing (locating people who have left no forwarding address).
Bristow helped me in locating automobiles which had been missing for quite
some time. That in turn provided me with extra bonuses which helped get
me back on my feet financially. This helped me tremendously because I had
returned to Canada from prison with $57.00 and the clothes on my back.
9. I went to Libya accompanied by Grant Bristow in August of 1989
along with a delegation of Nationalist Party members. On the return trip,
I was detained at O'Hare Airport in Chicago for allegedly violating the
United States immigration laws. Bristow arranged a lawyer for me and contacted
a Canadian consulate official in an attempt to have me released. He provided
$1,000.00 to the lawyer. Part of the money was his and the rest was solicited
by him from other members of the Nationalist Party. With the help he arranged,
I was released within about forty-eight hours. Bristow's help sealed our
friendship as it made me feel confident in his abilities.
10. Bristow and I spent a large amount of time together tracking
cars during which time the ideas were discussed of forming an organization
fighting for white rights. Bristow was instrumental in urging me to seek
an alternative to Don Andrews' Nationalist Party. He said that Andrews
wasn't even white and never seemed to get anywhere with his white racialist
message. He said that an organization needed to be founded which would
take the racialist movement into the 1990s by using videotapes, seminars
to upgrade people's speaking skills, use of computers, and techniques that
are used by major political parties in attracting the masses to our cause.
11. The goal of the new organization was to be
an advocacy group for white rights. Bristow and I felt that present immigration
was detrimental to the interests of the country because it would eventually
turn Canada into a non-white nation. And with it, our institutions would
be altered in such a way as to become unrecognizable to the founding people.
This would lower the quality of life as we know it. We opposed equity hiring
as we viewed it as disadvantaging whites who are essentially the founding
people of this nation. (In fact, one of the chief election promises of
the Ontario Conservative Party in 1995 was the repeal of these laws and
they have in fact now been repealed. The Heritage Front may have played
a part in raising public consciousness about these issues by the large
amount of publicity we generated.)
12. I am not a white supremacist. We are racial nationalists whose
eventual goal would be the creation of an exclusively white state for those
wishing to live in an area among their own kind. Our intention was and
is to lobby legally and publicly in achieving our goals without any violence.
We do not wish to dominate or subjugate any other race but do believe that
separation of the races is our only way of preserving our race which we
believe to be the most unique on the face of the planet. Bristow appeared
to be sincere in these beliefs.
13. The name "The Heritage Front"
was decided upon by myself, Grant Bristow and Gerry Lincoln. We were the
three founding members of the organization.
14. The HF was officially founded in the fall of 1989 by registering
the name with the Ministry of Consumer and Commercial Affairs in Ontario.
It was registered by James Dawson.
15. I was the leader of the HF, Gerry Lincoln was the secretary
and Bristow was in charge of security and all legal matters which were
to arise because of his para-legal training. Initially, there were about
twelve or fifteen supporters. Actual memberships were not issued until
the beginning of 1993.
16. The HF was initially financed by the three founding members
who each donated hundreds of dollars. Bristow gave more money than either
myself or Gerry Lincoln. Over the years he used his own camcorder, computer
and other electronic devices in furthering the activity of the HF. Videos
made on his camcorder and a camcorder provided by Dawson were sold to raise
funds for the HF. On his computer, Bristow networked with other organizations
using e-mail such as Tony MacAleer, Terry Long among others. Terry Long
provided Bristow with information as to who he viewed as being "enemies."
Bristow kept files of this information. Bristow used his other electronic
devices for surveillance of anti-racists.
17. Bristow obtained a flight for me to Vancouver
in 1990 and also provided on various occasions rental cars and paid for
travel expenses. He also paid for trips to Ottawa, Montreal, Windsor and
Kitchener by paying for gas, rental cars, hotel rooms and meals. Payment
for the meals was a big contribution by Bristow especially during court
cases which were frequent. He would pay for me, the lawyers and supporters,
sometimes paying for up to twelve or fifteen people for meals and drinks
at restaurants. Some of these meals were at fairly expensive places where
the bill would come to about $150 or more. Especially when the lawyers
were taken out, Bristow would pay up to $100 for the four of us for a meal.
Bristow helped pay for copying and printing expenses for business cards,
stationary with letterheads, pamphlets and later helped put up money for
"Up Front," the magazine HF produced. He contributed funds for
"Up Front" until the magazine became self-financing. As time
went on, Bristow paid out more and more money for HF. When the "Equal
Rights for Whites Hotline" set up by Ken Barker needed funding, Bristow
provided hundreds of dollars for telephone bills. Many of the people attracted
to the HF were young and had little money. We met them in public places
such as restaurants and Bristow frequently picked up the tab for these
young people.
18. For the first two years, HF built infrastructure
by setting up a hotline, developing pamphlets, getting a post office box
and building some membership. At the beginning by contacting other known
like-minded individuals we were able to fill necessary positions in the
organization. Some of that was achieved by travelling to other parts of
Canada and networking with others (Ottawa, Montreal, Vancouver, Calgary)
which Bristow substantially paid for out of his own funds.
19. Bristow was a para-legal and helped in a number of cases in
which HF people were involved. This included myself, Ken Barker, the Fischer
brothers, Les Jasinski and others. Bristow would try to arrange bail, and
help the lawyers in preparing the cases. He was heavily involved in the
Canadian Human Rights Tribunal case by doing legal research and even represented
me at a Ministry of Consumer Affairs tribunal review of my bailiff license.
He would also represent some supporters in traffic cases for free.
20. In September of 1991, the HF held its
first public meeting in Toronto. About one hundred people attended. Bristow
spoke to the meeting for the purpose of raising funds and updating the
supporters on the latest activities. I spoke and gave the reasons why we
had to fight for this cause. Paul Fromm of C-FAR (Citizens for Foreign
Aid Reform) was our guest speaker and addressed the issue of immigration.
21. Bristow spoke at all other subsequent meetings for the purpose
of raising funds for the HF. The funds were used primarily for fighting
the legal battles before the Canadian Human Rights Commission. He fired
up the crowd by denigrating our opponents and ridiculing them.
22. Later in 1991, our first issue of HF's magazine "Up Front"
was published. HF has now published nineteen issues of the magazine on
an irregular basis. The magazine deals with issues such as immigration,
crime, racial matters, ideology and the transformation of Canada. The magazine
has never faced a complaint from the authorities.
23. HF believed that the most fertile ground
for members was in the schools. The kids were facing racial problems in
the schools yet the school authorities and their parents were out of touch
with issues which effected them such as equity hiring, affirmative action
and violence in the schools. They felt alienated and disenfranchised and
felt no voice spoke on their behalf. Instead, a guilt trip was always laid
on them by the schools that whites were responsible for all the ills of
the world. The schools always tried to raise the self-esteem of non-whites
but the concerns of white students were never addressed. HF had exceptional
success in attracting these young people. They would call up the HF hotline
and after listening to several messages would leave their names and addresses.
At later meetings, HF would attract up to 200 people, mostly young people.
24. In early 1992, the Human Rights Commission at the behest
of Rodney Bobiwash, laid a complaint against the HF telephone hotline.
These proceedings were not resolved until 1994 when I signed an agreement
with the Canadian Human Rights Commission not to run messages on the hotline
which incited hatred or contempt against identifiable groups.
25. Proceedings against the HF Hotline led to
demonstrations and disturbances by anti-racists starting in August of 1992.
Bristow felt that it was necessary to monitor our opposition. In time,
it led to harassment of our opponents. Bristow was instrumental in orchestrating
the harassment campaign. He broke into telephone answering machines of
anti-racists, had people harass the opposition over the phone, and put
people under surveillance. The harassment was very extensive. He seemed
to spend a considerable amount of time in these activities. He probably
involved over a dozen members of HF in these activities.
26. I never stopped the harassment campaign because Bristow was
a founding member of HF who contributed substantially to the organization.
He was an indispensable member of the organization and had his own faction
which supported his actions.
27. One person he instructed in harassment techniques
and providing names and telephone numbers was HF member Elisse Hategan.
Hategan was involved extensively in the harassment campaign by telephoning
people. Later, however, Hategan told me that her voice had been recognized
by an Anti-Racist Action member Ruth MacKenzie. This frightened her and
she wanted to drop out of the harassment activities. Bristow, however,
told her to continue the harassment. This led to her attempting suicide
at which time she contacted Ruth MacKenzie and formed a friendship with
her. Thereafter, MacKenzie introduced her to Martin Theriault who wanted
her to provide information on the HF to his organization in Montreal. After
meeting Theriault, Hategan informed me what had happened. In February or
March of 1993, Hategan began keeping notes on Bristow's activities and
tried to research his background. She had become suspicious of his activities.
Hategan told me that Bristow was pressuring her into continuing the harassment
activities against her will and he threatened her with a "white van
ride" in the summer of 1993. This was a reference to the Tyrone Mason
kidnapping incident where the Fisher brothers and Drew Maynard picked Mason
up in a white van, and beat him and threatened him with death.
28. I confronted Bristow with this accusation
by Hategan. Bristow denied the threat and said she was unstable. I believed
Bristow at the time because he seemed more reliable. Later, Hategan told
Bristow about keeping notes on him at which time Bristow sought me out
and asked me to organize a party to break into and ransack her residence
to retrieve her notes on him. I declined. This was the first time that
Bristow was ever agitated with a decision of mine. Bristow was a person
who was frequently at odds with people but this was the first time he had
become visibly angry with me. He said he had done a lot for the movement
and individuals, and gone to a lot of expense in doing so, but all people
ever did was question his motives and character. The second time he became
upset with me was when our lawyer pressed Hategan in cross-examination
(in the Federal Court where I was facing contempt charges) on harassment
activities which led to Bristow's role being exposed.
29. Today I am convinced that Bristow in fact threatened Hategan
because she refused further involvement in the harassment campaign.
30. In January of 1993, Hategan was charged with inciting hatred
under the Criminal Code. She had distributed a flyer comparing a black
man with a gorilla. The flyer contained the name and address of a known
anti-racist as being the person responsible for the flyer. It was Bristow
who provided the name and address of the anti-racist for the flyer. Bristow
told me that the anti-racist individual received harassment due to the
flyer and was forced to move out of her home. He was amused by these developments.
31. The harassment campaign led the HF astray from its objective
of lobbying for white rights. Instead, it caused dissension in the organization
because of constant conflicts with our extremist opposition. Some people
in the HF started to ask what the agenda of the HF really was - was it
just to attack groups on the left which were basically insignificant or
was it to be a lobby group for white rights and trying to change government
policy? It caused people with sensitive jobs to reconsider their membership
and support and to tone down public support.
32. In April of 1994, Bristow told me that the hate charges against
Hategan were going to be dropped because the anti-racists were no longer
willing to testify against her after her defection and testimony against
Gary Schipper, Ken Barker and myself. He was proven correct in this.
33. In 1991, Bristow, Sean McGuire and I were
having lunch in Scarborough. I left but within a minute of my leaving,
a police swat team effected a take-down of the car containing Bristow and
McQuire. A rifle and shotgun were found in the trunk of Bristow's car.
Bristow always carried these guns in the trunk. I had seen them there many
times before. Both were taken to 41 Division Police Station. McGuire was
held for possible immigration violations but was eventually released and
voluntarily returned to the United States. Bristow was held for a short
time. He telephoned me at the bailiff's office which was located a short
distance from the police station. I met him at the police station and he
told me what had transpired. He told me the police were really pissed off
at him but they couldn't "make anything stick" so they were releasing
him. Some people in the movement were surprised he was not charged with
unsafe storage of firearms.
34. In May of 1993, the computer of the Church
of the Creator, a group affiliated with HF, was stolen when the house was
left unguarded on a night an HF concert took place. Bristow was not at
the concert which was extremely unusual as he always attended all HF events
in the city of Toronto as security chief. This was the first event he had
missed.
35. The day after the theft, Bristow made accusations against Tyrone
Mason who had left the concert early that evening. Bristow claimed that
Mason had a record for computer theft and had previously been charged with
possession of stolen goods. The Fisher brothers informed me that Bristow
suggested to them that they had to retrieve the computer. Bristow agitated
what was already a very volatile situation at the time.
36. The Fischer brothers and Drew Mason were later charged with
kidnapping, forcible confinement, assault causing bodily harm, threatening
death after picking Mason up in a white van and beating him to obtain information
about the computer. They told me that they concluded that Mason had not
stolen the computer. After release on bail, Eric Fischer told me that Bristow
suggested that it must be George Burdi who was responsible for the theft.
Bristow went as far as suggesting that Burdi should be killed.
37. The computer contained the names of members and supporters of
the Church of the Creator and some HF members who were members of the Canadian
military forces. A controversy had erupted in the House of Commons just
weeks prior to the theft about racism in the military.
38. Bristow was accused of witness tampering by the police. The
lawyers for the Fischer brothers told me that in a chambers hearing the
police made accusations that Bristow, along with two other individuals,
might be witness tampering. The police had attempted to wiretap Mason in
an effort to obtain evidence against Bristow but Bristow refused to meet
with Mason and sent someone in his place.
39. At trial, Drew Maynard's charges were dismissed for delay. The
lawyers for the Fischer brothers (Harry Doan and George Wootten) informed
me that they were called to a meeting with the prosecutors in the chambers
of ***** **** ***** who was not the presiding judge in the case. Nevertheless,
***** offered a deal to the lawyers - if the Fischer brothers pleaded guilty
they would receive a 30 day sentence, if they did not plead guilty they
would be put away for a long time. The Fisher brothers accepted the deal.
40. Tyrone Mason expressed to me his shock at the light sentence
the Fischer brothers received. He told me he had not been consulted about
the plea bargain. The police detective in the matter, Det. McPherson expressed
to me outside the courtroom his outrage at the outcome.
41. On the evening that Gary Schipper's house
was trashed by the Anti-Racist Action, Bristow urged HF supporters who
had gathered at Allen Gardens to send a message to the ARA. He urged them
to go to Sneaky Dees, a bar frequented by the ARA, to let them know that
the HF was not going to be intimidated by their actions. As a result, about
forty supporters went to the bar and had drinks. After most of them had
left, a fight broke out outside between a large group of ARA supporters
and a few remaining HF supporters. As I was leaving Sneaky Dees in my car,
I saw a lone HF member being attacked by about twelve to fifteen ARA supporters.
I jumped out of my car and ran to the defence of the HF member. The fight
turned into a huge brawl involving up to seventy people. I was later charged
and convicted of aggravated assault and acquitted of weapons dangerous.
The aggravated assault charge was reduced to assault on appeal.
42. Bristow's actions contributed to a climate
in Toronto which a Toronto Sun editorial expressed as the city being held
hostage by these warring factions. Violent clashes occurred between the
HF and extremist anti-racist groups fuelled by Bristow's harassment campaign.
43. I believed we had to have dialogue with our
opposition. At one time at Toronto City Hall I was speaking to Marvin Kurz
of B'nai Brith when Bristow came up to us and started to confront him and
be extremely rude and threatening. Kurz fled in fear and sought protection.
44. SIRC found on page
5.2 of the "Heritage Front Affair" that I requested Z¸ndel
to provide information to be forwarded to Terry Long on various "enemies."
This is completely untrue. I never made any such request to Z¸ndel.
45. To my knowledge, Z¸ndel works with all races in his day
to day business affairs. Z¸ndel's printer for many years is Chinese
and I have had dinner with him and Z¸ndel. Z¸ndel allowed a
black woman who needed a temporary place to stay after losing her home
to stay in his Toronto home for seven months. I have met two East Indians
at Z¸ndel's house who work closely with him on research projects.
I met a Jewish man named David Cole from California who has worked closely
with Z¸ndel on historical revisionist matters. Ernst Z¸ndel
cannot be defined as a "white supremacist" or a "racist."
His preoccupation is undoing wrongs which he perceives have been committed
against the German nation.
46. Don Andrews, leader of the Nationalist Party, has expressed
dislike of Z¸ndel and criticized him. He stated often to people that
Z¸ndel was nothing but a German chauvinist who was only on the periphery
of the right wing until he was charged with spreading false news, lost
his business and was forced to fight. Only then out of necessity, did Andrews
believe Z¸ndel had become a full-time activist. Andrews believed
Z¸ndel was concerned only with the German issue of the Holocaust
and not with the issues that concerned the right wing - immigration, loss
of culture, equity hiring and so on. Andrews said that Germans should never
be leaders in the movement because they were arrogant, snobbish and had
little understanding of anyone else. Andrews said Z¸ndel was strictly
out for himself and provided little or no help to any like-minded organization.
This made Andrews angry because he felt Z¸ndel had the resources
to provide help to organizations such as his own but did not. Andrews said
that if Z¸ndel could reverse course he would gladly do so.
47. Bristow initially thought Z¸ndel was a kook and a nut
as did most members of the Nationalist Party due to Andrews' influence.
Andrews poisoned a number of other people against Z¸ndel. I introduced
Bristow to Z¸ndel in 1989 and thereafter he changed his opinion of
Z¸ndel. Bristow later spoke of Z¸ndel in an admiring fashion.
The Holocaust was not an issue for Bristow. He always expressed very anti-Jewish
sentiments and went so far as to say that the Holocaust wouldn't have been
a bad idea.
48. I have known Ernst Z¸ndel since 1975 and I have never
heard him promote or suggest violent means to attain his goals. He in fact
has admonished me on a number of occasions over the years for involving
myself in activity which he deemed improper. On the night Gary Schipper's
house was trashed by the Anti-Racist Action, Z¸ndel urged me not
to take retaliatory measures. He said, "Don't do something stupid
you are going to regret." In the last few years I have tried to stay
away from radical activities because of Z¸ndel's influence.
49. SIRC investigators called me about the Heritage Front Affair
in early November of 1994. I met with them in Toronto for a period of about
three or four hours. The interview was extensive.
50. I was then asked later in the month to travel to Ottawa to be
interviewed by SIRC. On the trip I was accompanied by Al Overfield, the
attorneys Harry Doan and George Wootten. Overfield was interviewed in the
morning and I was heard in the afternoon for about two and a half hours.
Near five o'clock, the Chairman asked me if there was anything else. I
pointed out to the tribunal that I could go for quite some time to which
Eddie Goodman of SIRC replied, "Please don't."
51. I feel serious issues were never adequately addressed in SIRC's
report on the Heritage Front Affair such as the theft of the computer or
the possible witness tampering by Bristow in the Fischer brothers trial.
52. I believe the report is an utter sham. I
recognize nothing of what I or any of the people I spoke to about their
testimony told SIRC. SIRC accepted Bristow's version of events completely.
Bristow is not in any way held accountable for the harassment activity
which he orchestrated. In fact, the blame is shifted to me. For example,
SIRC wrote "The Heritage Front then became more militant as Droege
wished to increase the confrontations with his opponents...Bristow, in
his position with the Heritage Front, carried out Droege's instructions
in regard to a harassment campaign and also informed the anti-racists that
a Heritage Front event was planned." (4.4
at page 9) This is false. I never participated in, ordered or instructed
any harassment of our opponents.
53. SIRC claims at page
7 of "Methodology" that "We also held five full days
of formal hearings under oath, during which we questioned the principal
players in the affair." This is simply not the case. Only one of the
principal players in the HF, namely myself, was ever called to Ottawa to
testify. Yet others who worked closely with Bristow were never called.
People such as Ken Barker, Peter Mitrevski, Eric Fisher, Elkar Fisher,
George Burdi, Marc Lemire, Les Jasinski, Gary O'Neil, Becky Primrose and
many others never were called to Ottawa by SIRC. Nor did any one of them
ever indicate to me that they were interviewed by SIRC investigators. Each
one, I believe, could have provided vital evidence about Bristow's activities.
54. The report is incomplete in the sense that many people who should
have been interviewed were not. Some like Gary Schipper, Gerry Lincoln,
Max French and others were interviewed only days prior to the release of
the report. These individuals informed me of this themselves. Al Overfield
also testified but he is not a member of HF.
55. The anti-racists refused to testify before
SIRC because they wanted legal representation and SIRC refused to pay.
Because of this, SIRC failed to get vital testimony about the harassment
campaign and Bristow's role in it. Therefore, the only sources viewed as
being credible were Bristow and CSIS. In my opinion, the report is biased
and unbalanced and does not present the truth.
56. In "I.
Overview of the Extreme Right" SIRC writes that right wing extremist
groups "fundamental agreement is the conviction that whites (aryans)
are an endangered species. These beliefs lead, in turn, to their attitudes
which are: anti-Semitic; anti-non whites; anti-immigration/refugee; anti-democratic;
pro-free speech for racist or anti-Semitic ideas; anti-human rights; and
anti-gay." This is an inaccurate description of the HF's goals and
beliefs. HF believes in democracy and the right of the majority to determine
policy; it is pro-free speech for everyone and has never suggested that
free speech should be limited for anyone; HF is not anti-human rights but
believes the human rights laws are applied selectively against whites;
HF does not agree with the open promotion of the homosexual lifestyle but
does not believe in the creation of laws to outlaw it; HF believes the
public should have input into immigration policy through referendums; it
believes that the present immigration policy will change the character
of Canada and that these policies were enacted without the consent of the
public; HF believes many Jewish organizations are working against the best
interests of Canada and therefore HF objects to their constant undermining
of majority opinion on issues such as equity hiring and immigration. The
HF is open to Jews who support its viewpoint. Even though I gave testimony
before SIRC about HF's policies and goals, SIRC seems adamant in believing
biased media reports about the HF and relies on information
from people such as Stanley Barrett and Warren Kinsella who are self-admitted
opponents of the white racialist movement and whose books are full of inaccuracies.
For example, SIRC writes at 1.2
at page 3 that "Andrews had the dubious distinction of being the
first person in Canada charged with wilfully promoting hatred", citing
Kinsella as its authority. This is not true. The first person charged under
the hate law was Armand Siksna.
57. SIRC
writes at page 4 of 1.2 that I was "instrumental in increasing
the membership in the group [Ku Klux Klan] to an estimated 2,500 in 1980"
citing Kinsella again as its source. This figure is ludicrous. The real
figure was about 150 at its highest level.
58. SIRC writes at 1.3 that "Other neo-Nazi
skinhead groups such as the Aryan Resistance Movement and the Alberta-based
Final Solution Skinheads are organizing and finding a place in the extreme-right
network in Canada," citing Kinsella as its source. This information
is false. Both organizations had been defunct since about 1990 or 1991.
59. SIRC writes at 3.2.4
at page 5 that "Don Andrews conducted a special meeting. His 'Androids'
were invited to his mansion." Andrews did not call his supporters
"androids". Andrews does not live in a "mansion" but
in a small, east-end working class Toronto semi-detached house. This is
typical of the hyperbole used by SIRC throughout the report.
60. SIRC describes at 3.2.4 at page 5 how the
HF was allegedly formed and what its goals were. This is full of falsehoods.
The name "White Heritage Foundation" was never considered. There
was no covert side to the proposed organization. I had no intention of
targetting a specific country or area and using "whatever persuasive
methods or inducements necessary to convince non-whites to leave the area"
as alleged by SIRC quoting Bristow. There was no such thing as "the
Brethren" as described by SIRC. This fabrication is repeated at 3.3.5
at page 12. I did not "consider" Gerry Lincoln and Bristow
for positions in the organization. Both in fact were co-founders of the
HF.
61. SIRC writes at 3.3.1
at page 7 that I told Max French to "shut your mouth." I
never made this statement to Max French.
62. SIRC writes at 3.3.2
that on the trip to Libya we were "allowed to reside in Camp Kadhafi
some miles from Tripoli." We stayed at a camp with a number of self-contained
units. We referred to it humorously as "Camp Kadhafi" but that
was not its real name. Bristow's reports were obviously spiced up with
references like "Camp Kadhafi" to make the situation more exotic
than it really was. Bristow embellished his reports as if he were writing
a novel.
63. SIRC writes at 3.3.3
at page 9 that "Droege wanted to stay on the plane and fly back to
Rome, but the aircraft Captain told him either to get off or be charged
with piracy...They were strip-searched and had their body cavities probed
for contraband." The Captain never threatened me with charges of piracy.
He stated that if I did not get off the plane the police would be called
to have me forcibly removed. Again, the use of the word "piracy"
by Bristow is an embellishment on what really occurred. No one had their
body cavities probed for contraband. I was strip-searched but no other
person in the group told me that they were strip-searched. The falsehood
about body searches is repeated at 3.3.4 by SIRC.
64. SIRC writes at 3.3.4
that "Droege was released and driven to Niagara Falls by the American
authorities at night." This is not true. I was flown from Chicago
to Detroit and driven from the airport to Windsor. From there I took a
bus to Toronto. This indicates Bristow's information to CSIS was inaccurate.
65. SIRC writes at 3.3.5
at page 12 that "Droege...said the HF...will use the group to 'clandestinely
forward the white supremacist movement.'" I never made this statement
and do not use the phrase "white supremacist" to describe the
HF. I do not subscribe to a "white supremacist" philosophy but
to a white nationalist philosophy.
66. SIRC writes at 3.3.5
at page 12 that "...Droege also formed the October 2nd Committee,
'an active measures commando unit to be run by him and to use selected
skinheads." This is an outright fabrication. No such "commando
unit" was ever contemplated or formed. There was no "military
or direct action wing" as alleged by SIRC in this same paragraph.
These loaded terms are suggestive of violence and terror.
67. SIRC writes at 3.3.5
at page 12 that "Droege intended to unite under the Heritage Front
those persons in Canada who were associated with The Order, the Ku Klux
Klan and the Aryan Nations.. The Front would be the primary vehicle for
'furthering the white supremacist movement in Canada.'" This is untrue
as we were trying to seek out new people in a new organization that average
Canadians could identify with. Again, I do not use the term "white
supremacist" and the HF was not a "white supremacist" organization.
68. SIRC writes at 3.3.5
at page 12 that I wanted to buy land in Peterborough area, control the
town council and try to legislate racist by-laws. This is a total fabrication.
69. At 3.3.5 at page 13,
SIRC noted that I denied all that was stated in the first full paragraph.
However, SIRC did not accept my statements.
70. SIRC repeats the allegation about a "commando
cell" at 3.3.5 at page 13.
No such "commando cell" existed or was even contemplated. These
ideas only existed in Bristow's imagination.
71. SIRC accepted Bristow's allegations at 3.3.5
that I wanted to fund the HF with money from robbing drug dealers. I never
promoted these ideas for the HF.
72. SIRC writes at 4.1 that "We learned
that...Droege...and others were responsible for disrupting a television
broadcast . The program was aired on TV Ontario and dealt with racism issues.
During the telephone-in portion of the program, the Heritage Front group
was able to partially tie up the telephone lines, and they 'were also able
to start a number of arguments with the guest panel and state their white
supremacist views.'" SIRC thus describes as "disrupting"
a TV program, the actions of HF members in calling a phone-in TV show.
It is not illegal to express legal opinions on a phone-in show. SIRC repeats
the falsehood that HF's policies were "white supremacist."
73. SIRC writes at 4.1 that "Droege told
Bristow about plans to distribute leaflets at schools. They also discussed
'spray painting (anti-white slogans) and vandalism operations' to discredit
anti-racists..." I never advocated these activities.
74. SIRC writes at 4.2 at page 2 that "Droege
established a 'computer link' with Terry Long, although this means of communication
was short-lived." I never owned a computer and therefore I did not
establish a computer link with Long. Bristow owned a computer and he communicated
with Long using it. He maintained this link until Long went into hiding.
75. SIRC writes at 4.2 at page 3 that "In
May 1991, Terry Long, Wolfgang Droege and Grant Bristow met to discuss,
among other issues, the establishment of a bulletin board (BBS) hate line
similar to one in the United States." I never met Terry Long in the
company of Grant Bristow. HF did not set up a "hate line." Of
literally several hundreds of messages on HF's telephone hotline, no message
has ever been adjudicated to be hate. No HF member has ever been convicted
of inciting hatred under the Criminal Code.
76. SIRC writes at 4.2 that "During the
June Mississauga rally, Grant Bristow served as an escort/bodyguard for
Preston Manning, at the direction of Al Overfield and Wolfgang Droege."
This is untrue. Bristow suggested and insisted that he should be Manning's
bodyguard due to his experience in that field.
77. SIRC writes at 4.2 at page 3 that "On
June 19, 1991, Droege's racist agenda was profiled...In that month, violent
United States white supremacist, Tom Metzger came to Canada at the invitation
of Droege to attend a Heritage Front rally." Metzger did not come
to Canada in 1991. He came in June of 1992.
78. SIRC writes at 4.2 at page 4 that "Droege
wanted Bristow to make contact with other white supremacists" in the
United States. This is false. It was Bristow who wanted to make contact
with other white nationalist groups and leaders. He used my name in making
contact. SIRC uses the false description "white supremacist"
again. I do not use the term "white supremacist" and do not subscribe
to "white supremacist" philosophy.
79. SIRC writes at 4.2 at page 4 that "The
Heritage Front's telephone Hate Line was established by the Fall of 1991."
HF's telephone hot line was and is not a "Hate Line." This is
a loaded propaganda term used by SIRC to vilify HF. No member of HF has
ever been convicted of inciting hatred which is an indictable offence.
80. SIRC writes at 4.2 at page 5 that "In
December 1991, American racist Dennis Mahon entered Canada to speak to
a Heritage Front meeting." Dennis Mahon did not come to Canada until
February 1992 to address a HF meeting.
81. SIRC writes at 4.3 at page 5 that "In
1992, the Front branched out. In January of that year, Bristow was sent
to Montreal by Droege 'for the purpose of feeling out the White Supremacist
movement there.'" I never sent Bristow to Montreal. He travelled there
on his own accord. SIRC again uses the false description "white supremacist."
I do not use the term "white supremacist" and do not subscribe
to "white supremacist" philosophy.
82. SIRC writes at 4.3 at page 7 that "In
1992, the Heritage Front members, on the instructions of Droege, were using
the telephone numbers they had acquired to make increasingly violent threats
against anti-racists." This is false. I did not instruct HF members
to make telephone or any other kind of threat against anti-racists. Bristow
was the person responsible for the harassment campaign.
83. SIRC writes at 4.4 at page 8 that "Bristow
provided some names to Alan Overfield, under instruction from Droege."
This is false. I never asked Bristow to provide names to Overfield. If
Bristow did, he did so on his own initiative.
84. SIRC writes at 4.4 at page 9 that "The
Heritage Front then became more militant as Droege wished to increase the
confrontations with his opponents." This is false. I never wished
to increase the confrontations. I did not want any confrontations because
it was counter-productive to the HF's goals.
85. SIRC writes at 4.4 at page 9 that "Bristow,
in his position with the Heritage Front, carried out Droege's instructions
in regard to a harassment campaign...." This is false. I did not instruct
Bristow on the harassment campaign. The harassment was Bristow's own idea
and doing.
86. SIRC writes at 5.2 that "Droege established
a computer link with Long, and the first successful test message took place..."
I did not own a computer and therefore made no electronic link with Long.
Bristow owned a computer and was in constant contact with Long.
87. SIRC writes at 5.2 at page 2 that "Ernst
Z¸ndel sometimes provided information, at Droege's request, to be
forwarded to Long. The information concerned various 'enemies.'" This
is false. I never asked Z¸ndel to provide information on "enemies."
88. SIRC writes at 5.2 at page 2 that "In
July 1991, the Source obtained and provided to CSIS a listing of personal
information which Droege received from Terry Long." This is false.
I never received any such list from Long.
89. SIRC writes at 5.3 at page 3 that the HF
set up a "Hate Line." This term is used by SIRC to vilify HF
and discredit it as a "hate" group. No member of HF has ever
been convicted of inciting hatred.
90. SIRC writes at 5.5 at page 5 that I "talked
about 'spray painting and vandalism operations'..." This is false.
I opposed spray painting and vandalism.
91. SIRC writes at 5.7 at page 9 that ..."Droege
wanted all the participating HF members to pbone ARA people and actually
threaten them with bodily harm." This is false. I did not participate
in or instruct anyone to harass HF opponents.
92. SIRC writes at 5.9.6 at page 22 that "Later,
said the Source, they all went to Z¸ndel's house. Droege wanted a
beer, but Z¸ndel did not approve and said that everyone should go
home. Droege was upset, but Z¸ndel was not; it was not his house
that had been trashed." This is false. Bristow knew very well that
I do not drink. We did not go to Sneaky Dees "for a beer" as
alleged by SIRC. Sneaky Dees was the hang out of the anti-racists. We went
there for the purpose of showing we were not intimidated by their trashing
of Gary Schipper's house. It is not true that "Bristow told the HF
people to settle down." In fact, Bristow agitated supporters to go
to Sneaky Dees although he did not advocate violence.
93. SIRC writes at 5.9.9 at page 25 that I might
have slashed a woman's tires although they have no evidence for this allegation.
I never slashed anyone's tires. This is another example of defamatory statements
against me by SIRC.
94. SIRC writes at 5.10.4 that at an anti-hate
symposium in 1993 "Droege and Burdi asked some abusive questions implying
that Jews were racist. Wolfgang Droege asked most of the questions."
I did not ask "abusive" questions but politely asked questions
of Karen Mock of B'nai Brith. To ask questions is part of public discourse
and democracy. To use the word "abusive" implies rudeness and
hostility. I was neither. I believe this again shows SIRC's bias against
HF and the right wing.
95. This is not a complete list of errors, omissions and misrepresentations
in the SIRC report. There are many others but are too numerous to list
in an affidavit.
